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Cargando... The Despot's Guide to Wealth Management: On the International Campaign against Grand Corruptionpor J. C. Sharman
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An unprecedented new international moral and legal rule forbids one state from hosting money stolen by the leaders of another state. The aim is to counter grand corruption or kleptocracy ("rule by thieves"), when leaders of poorer countries-such as Marcos in the Philippines, Mobutu in the Congo, and more recently those overthrown in revolutions in the Arab world and Ukraine-loot billions of dollars at the expense of their own citizens. This money tends to end up hosted in rich countries. These host states now have a duty to block, trace, freeze, and seize these illicit funds and hand them back to the countries from which they were stolen. In The Despot's Guide to Wealth Management, J. C. Sharman asks how this anti-kleptocracy regime came about, how well it is working, and how it could work better. Although there have been some real achievements, the international campaign against grand corruption has run into major obstacles. The vested interests of banks, lawyers, and even law enforcement often favor turning a blind eye to foreign corruption proceeds. Recovering and returning looted assets is a long, complicated, and expensive process.Sharman used a private investigator, participated in and observed anti-corruption policy, and conducted more than a hundred interviews with key players. He also draws on various journalistic exposs, whistle-blower accounts, and government investigations to inform his comparison of the anti-kleptocracy records of the United States, Britain, Switzerland, and Australia. Sharman calls for better policing, preventative measures, and use of gatekeepers like bankers, lawyers, and real estate agents. He also recommends giving nongovernmental organizations and for-profit firms more scope to independently investigate corruption and seize stolen assets. No se han encontrado descripciones de biblioteca. |
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Sharman says many of the world’s governments are actually “criminal conspiracies” for elites to “plunder the countries they rule”. Even (if not especially) candidates who run on anti-corruption platforms turn out to be as corrupt as any, blocking investigations while spending billions abroad as the nation starves. Not caring where the money came from, many countries love the influx of currency. Australia in particular says it is nobody’s business as long as it is put to legitimate use in Australia. So it has become famous for noncooperation and even obfuscation of victim countries’ efforts. It has also become a prime attraction for Chinese and Papua New Guinea billions. China estimates several hundred billion dollars has gone missing, and well over ten thousand nationals have been buying houses, apartments and businesses overseas – then following along (usually via a third country to avoid suspicion) once their families are safely ensconced.
The game is rife with hypocrisy. While Xi Jinping purges 180,000 officials for corruption, his own family has suddenly been able to purchase tens of millions worth of Hong Kong and Chinese luxury real estate. Possibly more obnoxious is the USA, where the government berates banks for not catching deposits of ill-gotten wealth, while the government itself welcomes the same criminals to state dinners, debt forgiveness and billions in more aid.
Sharman is not the easiest author to read. He is laborious, constantly telling readers what he is about to say in the next few paragraphs and telling them that he has already mentioned some fact or person several times in previous paragraphs or chapters. Getting to the point is not a priority of his. But the basic investigative facts are impressive and revealing. What has been recovered is a rounding error on the total, and the patchwork of laws does little to crack the overall scheme of money laundering. Sharman sees little light on the horizon; laws will remain weak or unused, reporters will find out more than prosecutors, and the lawyers will continue to do best of all.
David Wineberg ( )