Part II of Mr. Lee Kuan Yew's memoirs.

Given his extremely busy life as a statesman over the past 30 years, this volume is not arranged in chronological order. Instead, LKY organizes it in two broad sections - the first on domestic policy, and the second on foreign relations.

The combinations of his political positions may seem odd to most Americans. In trade, he is a free market proponent, in domestic social spending he is a pragmatic social democrat, with a progressive but light tax policy. In the early years, he was a New-Deal technocrat public works advocate, but also fiercely anti-Communist.

He notes the hazardous effect of the 'resource curse' on colonial nations - where MNCs swoop in, harvest the resources, and leave little benefit for the rest of the population save a few autocrats. He wryly notes that Singapore dodged that bullet by having no natural resources, and instead must aim for human development so as to avoid exploitation. Therefore, he advertised the place as a financial and technical center, with an educated and motivated populace. It gained a lot of appeal that way.

It's also interesting how he managed to develop an education system, juggling four official languages and preventing ethnic tensions, building up a university system while preventing the Communists from South-East Asia from infiltrating it. In the early years, the Cultural Revolution was in full swing, and LKY was merciless in the imprisonment, exile, or execution of suspected dissidents.

But in many ways, they've worked. Their unemployment rate, after peaking at 4% during the economic crisis of the late 2000s, is now down to 1.9%.

The economic development of the past 50 years was a whiplash for some. LKY shares stories of new apartment goers in the early years trying to coax their pigs and chickens upstairs.

Foreign policy for Singapore in the early years was also an immense juggling act. After their expulsion from Malaysia, and the departure of British troops in the 1960s, Singapore was left largely alone against Indonesia and Malaysia, who both coveted Singapore's strategic location, and communist movements in SE-Asia as a whole.

His initial strategy was two-fold: first, develop military independence by hiring Israeli troops to train the army, and purchase cheaper arms from them or the US. Second, develop stronger ties with the rest of the British Commonwealth (Australia and New Zealand in particular), Japan, and the United States as a major trading partner, so that nobody would dare attack them without angering larger, more powerful friends. In the post-Cold War era, he has cultivated relations with the Chinese, Americans, and the Russians. Money talks.

After Singapore's establishment as a developed nation, he moves on to broader topics on foreign policy. He sides with Thatcher on economic policy, but disapproves of her response to the miners and neutral response to Apartheid in South Africa. Obviously, he has little tolerance for European racial hegemony, as it would only exacerbate any worries about 'regional security'.

His reach in foreign policy is broad. He speaks of 'national character' and the balance of power as realists do, but also of personal agency and the personalities of the leaders. His analyses are brutal at times, but still very interesting. He moves from his SE-Asian neighbors, to British colonial possessions, to European elder statesmen.

His relationship with China was of particular interest. His initial relations were harried, at best, as the early stages of Singapore's independence coincided with the Cultural Revolution, and he was concerned about the terrifying rumors which filtered out through refugees. In the late 1970s, however, a certain Deng Xiaoping rose to power, and paid a visit to Singapore. LKY relates that he was very impressed with Singapore's economic development, from a colonial outpost to a trading power. He lamented the enormity of his task - "If only I had a city to run, like Shanghai, instead of all of China. Then perhaps I could run it like Hong Kong or Singapore." Perhaps this visit was one of the foundations of his 'Special Economic Zone' policy, which led to exponential urban growth along the coasts, and massive industrial booms, and China's return.

Like all political memoirs, this one contains some degree of self-serving platitudes. But LKY, at least, might have some reason to boast. Although he does grant extremely harsh criticism to his opponents, referring to some as 'incompetent' or worse.

His position on race can at times be brilliant with its successful transition into multiculturalism, and at times prejudiced. His open advocacy of the policies of 'The Bell Curve' is baffling. It is jarring to see his economic policy of social advocacy contrasted with his almost Victorian views on parochialism, on 'racial qualities', and inventing a new nationalism to unify the state. If anything, Singapore resembles Plato's Republic and the Chinese philosophy of Legalism - a selected elite (PAP) running the state, influencing the media and education to shape national discussion, and the stifling of dissent, most notably with bringing libel suits against political opposition.

This memoir is still of interest - perhaps as an idea of nation-building, perhaps as an honest confession of the brutal decisions of politics. Economically liberal, but politically authoritarian and communal.

It is perhaps a dictatorship, but perhaps it is one of the most prosperous ones there ever was, one that other nations might look to as a model, an alternative to democracy. Unless, of course, you chew gum or jaywalk. ( )

One of the most fascinating books I have ever read. A primer on how to build and raise a country. ( )

Gift from Chang Heng Chee

An Interview with Author http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Vru_4v2JCSg ( )