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Intelligent Governance for the 21st Century: A Middle Way between West and East

por Nicolas Berggruen, Nathan Gardels

MiembrosReseñasPopularidadValoración promediaConversaciones
343719,404 (4.5)Ninguno
#65533;Cu#65533;l es la mejor forma de gobernar un mundo en profunda transformaci#65533;n? Un libro que analiza la uni#65533;n de las mejores pr#65533;cticas de gobierno en Oriente y Occidente como f#65533;rmula para afrontar los desaf#65533;os de la globalizaci#65533;n Durante d#65533;cadas la democracia liberal ha sido aplaudida como el mejor de los posibles sistemas de gobernanza. Sin embargo, esa categ#65533;rica afirmaci#65533;n est#65533; hoy lejos de ser incuestionable. La democracia, en crisis en Occidente, debe probar su vigencia. En Occidente, argumentan Berggruen y Gardels, ya no vivimos en #65533;democracias industriales#65533;, sino en #65533;democracias consumistas#65533; en las que se impone el cortoplacismo. En contraste, la visi#65533;n a largo plazo de los l#65533;deres chinos empuja a su naci#65533;n hacia el futuro. Pero China tambi#65533;n se enfrenta a desaf#65533;os derivados de su mete#65533;rico ascenso. Su floreciente clase media cada vez exigir#65533; m#65533;s participaci#65533;n, mejores mecanismos de control de la responsabilidad pol#65533;tica, el freno a la corrupci#65533;n y la ampliaci#65533;n del imperio de la ley. A medida que el siglo XXI avance, estos dos sistemas deber#65533;n competir con un mundo aut#65533;nticamente multipolar en el que ninguna potencia domina en solitario. Para hacer frente a estos retos es necesario un nuevo sistema de #65533;gobernanza inteligente#65533; que delegue el poder e implique verdaderamente a los ciudadanos en las cuestiones que los afectan. Este oportuno libro es una gu#65533;a tanto conceptual como pr#65533;ctica de los desaf#65533;os a los que se enfrenta la buena gobernanza en un mundo que se ver#65533; sometido a una profunda transformaci#65533;n en las pr#65533;ximas d#65533;cadas. Comentarios: #65533;Se sabe poco sobre los m#65533;s recientes acontecimientos en China, en particular sobre el modo de pensar de los nuevos dirigentes chinos. En este libro, Nicolas Berggruen y Nathan Gardels resumen el pensamiento de algunas de las nuevas corrientes pol#65533;tico-intelectuales que influencian a la generaci#65533;n que se aproxima al poder. Despu#65533;s de una exitosa transformaci#65533;n econ#65533;mica y de la creciente presencia de China en el mundo, ser#65533; necesario adaptar el #socialismo armonioso#, propuesto por los nuevos dirigentes, a formas de cooperaci#65533;n internacional que permitan mayores convergencias entre Oriente y Occidente. #65533; Fernando Henrique Cardoso, expresidente de Brasil #65533;Un libro brillantemente agudo y provocador sobre el tema central de nuestro tiempo: la gobernanza efectiva. Las democracias y los sistemas autocr#65533;ticos se encuentran en peligro de fracasar a gran escala. Berggruen y Gardels nos invitan valientemente, a nosotros y a la siguiente generaci#65533;n, a abordar este problema de frente, con humildad y con la mente abierta.#65533; Michael Spence, premio Nobel de Econom#65533;a, expresidente de la Comisi#65533;n de Crecimiento y Desarrollo y autor de La convergencia inevitable #65533;Berggruen y Gardels aportan una valios#65533;sima visi#65533;n de por qu#65533; nuestras democracias occidentales se han vuelto tan disfuncionales. Afirman que a menos que desarrollemos una perspectiva de gobernanza a largo plazo, la #democracia de consumo# actual socavar#65533; su propio futuro. Un brillante punto de partida para un debate que se necesita con urgencia: el de c#65533;mo nos gobernamos en esta nueva era.#65533; Arianna Huffington, directora, Huffington Post/AOL #65533;Berggruen y Gardels ofrecen una perspectiva poco convencional acerca de lo que deber#65533;a significar la buena gobernanza en el siglo XXI, yendo m#65533;s all#65533; de las manidas explicaciones del tipo #Oriente contra Occidente# y ofreciendo algo mucho m#65533;s convincente y pragm#65533;tico#65533;. Eric Schmidt, presidente ejecutivo de Google ENGLISH DESCRIPTION Democracy is in crisis throughout the Western world. We are no longer part of an "industrial democracy"--what we now have could be termed a "democracy of consumption," which has resulted in party systems in many cases crippling. Countries like China, on the other hand, who have long-term leadership policies, are seeing promising futures even though they also face the challenges of a sudden ascent. As the 21st Century progresses, these two systems of world order must face a multipolar world where societies are becoming more heterogeneous and "world powers" are dying.… (más)
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We Americans take a great deal of pride in our form of government, many of us going so far as to proclaim our method the best there is. That doesn't mean we don't complain about our leaders and the mess they've made of things. But as we look at our current problems and see nascent democracies around the world struggle and frequently fail, are we too proud to consider improvements? Even if it means adopting some ideas from other nations? Nations such as China?

The American Founding Fathers were adamant in their displeasure with Democracy, equating it with mob rule, and yet we've become *more* democratic and less of a Republic in the subsequent 200 years. Whereas earlier Americans didn't vote for the President or the Senate, now we have a say in choosing those leaders even if our vote is watered down by millions of others - and that's just the ones who actually vote! Most feel disenfranchised and don't believe their vote makes a difference. And just how informed are those who *are* voting? Are they knowledgeable about the issues and candidates, or are they just voting for the most charismatic candidate or basing their decision on personal decisions (like race or party) or are they simply swayed by multi-million dollar advertising campaigns and catchy slogans?

But it's not just the voters who don't understand the issues; we frequently elect leaders who are have little experience in government. The authors also point out the undue influence of special interests such as unions, corporations, industries, or even just influential minority groups. We comfort ourselves by thinking our voice matters when it's actually those special interests who are funding the expensive campaigns that have become necessary today and have the ears of our leaders. As a result, we've become a "consumer democracy" and we end up with decisions being made with short-term results in mind instead of looking to the future and addressing the most important issues (like infrastructure, education, energy, environment, etc.) that would allow us to retain our place of influence in the world.

China is also discussed but not as much as I had anticipated. The authors are careful to make a distinction between Communist China (which they basically say was a failure) and Confucian China (of which even most of the shorter dynasties lasted longer than our nation has so far). Confucian ideals promote a leadership class based on merit, where leaders must prove themselves at lower levels before they can aspire to more responsibility, and the authors say we could limit the power of special interests if we utilized more committees of "experts" in making policy recommendations. They also point out the current challenges in China's government - corruption, repression, lack of human rights, lax environmental standards, etc. - but the focus is more on possible improvements in Western governments. Globalization and the social media revolution are also discussed as a huge challenge faced by both Eastern and Western governments.

I found this book a very well-thought out and rational examination of the problems in America right now. They offer specific recommendations for the U.S., California, G-20 group of nations, and the European Union. I don't necessarily agree with all their proposals (and many will be a very tough-sell) and the direction toward global government they seem to advocate, but I think there are a number of ideas that would make a positive difference. I also wish they had explained more thoroughly what they meant by "consumer democracy" - I think I understood it but I didn't think it was clear enough. Nonetheless, this is an excellent book that deserves careful consideration by ALL those concerned with the direction we are going. ( )
  J.Green | Aug 26, 2014 |
We Americans take a great deal of pride in our form of government, many of us going so far as to proclaim our method the best there is. That doesn't mean we don't complain about our leaders and the mess they've made of things. But as we look at our current problems and see nascent democracies around the world struggle and frequently fail, are we too proud to consider improvements? Even if it means adopting some ideas from other nations? Nations such as China?

The American Founding Fathers were adamant in their displeasure with Democracy, equating it with mob rule, and yet we've become *more* democratic and less of a Republic in the subsequent 200 years. Whereas earlier Americans didn't vote for the President or the Senate, now we have a say in choosing those leaders even if our vote is watered down by millions of others - and that's just the ones who actually vote! Most feel disenfranchised and don't believe their vote makes a difference. And just how informed are those who *are* voting? Are they knowledgeable about the issues and candidates, or are they just voting for the most charismatic candidate or basing their decision on personal decisions (like race or party) or are they simply swayed by multi-million dollar advertising campaigns and catchy slogans?

But it's not just the voters who don't understand the issues; we frequently elect leaders who are have little experience in government. The authors also point out the undue influence of special interests such as unions, corporations, industries, or even just influential minority groups. We comfort ourselves by thinking our voice matters when it's actually those special interests who are funding the expensive campaigns that have become necessary today and have the ears of our leaders. As a result, we've become a "consumer democracy" and we end up with decisions being made with short-term results in mind instead of looking to the future and addressing the most important issues (like infrastructure, education, energy, environment, etc.) that would allow us to retain our place of influence in the world.

China is also discussed but not as much as I had anticipated. The authors are careful to make a distinction between Communist China (which they basically say was a failure) and Confucian China (of which even most of the shorter dynasties lasted longer than our nation has so far). Confucian ideals promote a leadership class based on merit, where leaders must prove themselves at lower levels before they can aspire to more responsibility, and the authors say we could limit the power of special interests if we utilized more committees of "experts" in making policy recommendations. They also point out the current challenges in China's government - corruption, repression, lack of human rights, lax environmental standards, etc. - but the focus is more on possible improvements in Western governments. Globalization and the social media revolution are also discussed as a huge challenge faced by both Eastern and Western governments.

I found this book a very well-thought out and rational examination of the problems in America right now. They offer specific recommendations for the U.S., California, G-20 group of nations, and the European Union. I don't necessarily agree with all their proposals (and many will be a very tough-sell) and the direction toward global government they seem to advocate, but I think there are a number of ideas that would make a positive difference. I also wish they had explained more thoroughly what they meant by "consumer democracy" - I think I understood it but I didn't think it was clear enough. Nonetheless, this is an excellent book that deserves careful consideration by ALL those concerned with the direction we are going. ( )
  J.Green | Aug 26, 2014 |
We Americans take a great deal of pride in our form of government, many of us going so far as to proclaim our method the best there is. That doesn't mean we don't complain about our leaders and the mess they've made of things. But as we look at our current problems and see nascent democracies around the world struggle and frequently fail, are we too proud to consider improvements? Even if it means adopting some ideas from other nations? Nations such as China?

The American Founding Fathers were adamant in their displeasure with Democracy, equating it with mob rule, and yet we've become *more* democratic and less of a Republic in the subsequent 200 years. Whereas earlier Americans didn't vote for the President or the Senate, now we have a say in choosing those leaders even if our vote is watered down by millions of others - and that's just the ones who actually vote! Most feel disenfranchised and don't believe their vote makes a difference. And just how informed are those who *are* voting? Are they knowledgeable about the issues and candidates, or are they just voting for the most charismatic candidate or basing their decision on personal decisions (like race or party) or are they simply swayed by multi-million dollar advertising campaigns and catchy slogans?

But it's not just the voters who don't understand the issues; we frequently elect leaders who are have little experience in government. The authors also point out the undue influence of special interests such as unions, corporations, industries, or even just influential minority groups. We comfort ourselves by thinking our voice matters when it's actually those special interests who are funding the expensive campaigns that have become necessary today and have the ears of our leaders. As a result, we've become a "consumer democracy" and we end up with decisions being made with short-term results in mind instead of looking to the future and addressing the most important issues (like infrastructure, education, energy, environment, etc.) that would allow us to retain our place of influence in the world.

China is also discussed but not as much as I had anticipated. The authors are careful to make a distinction between Communist China (which they basically say was a failure) and Confucian China (of which even most of the shorter dynasties lasted longer than our nation has so far). Confucian ideals promote a leadership class based on merit, where leaders must prove themselves at lower levels before they can aspire to more responsibility, and the authors say we could limit the power of special interests if we utilized more committees of "experts" in making policy recommendations. They also point out the current challenges in China's government - corruption, repression, lack of human rights, lax environmental standards, etc. - but the focus is more on possible improvements in Western governments. Globalization and the social media revolution are also discussed as a huge challenge faced by both Eastern and Western governments.

I found this book a very well-thought out and rational examination of the problems in America right now. They offer specific recommendations for the U.S., California, G-20 group of nations, and the European Union. I don't necessarily agree with all their proposals (and many will be a very tough-sell) and the direction toward global government they seem to advocate, but I think there are a number of ideas that would make a positive difference. I also wish they had explained more thoroughly what they meant by "consumer democracy" - I think I understood it but I didn't think it was clear enough. Nonetheless, this is an excellent book that deserves careful consideration by ALL those concerned with the direction we are going. ( )
  J.Green | Aug 26, 2014 |
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Nicolas Berggruenautor principaltodas las edicionescalculado
Gardels, Nathanautor principaltodas las edicionesconfirmado
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#65533;Cu#65533;l es la mejor forma de gobernar un mundo en profunda transformaci#65533;n? Un libro que analiza la uni#65533;n de las mejores pr#65533;cticas de gobierno en Oriente y Occidente como f#65533;rmula para afrontar los desaf#65533;os de la globalizaci#65533;n Durante d#65533;cadas la democracia liberal ha sido aplaudida como el mejor de los posibles sistemas de gobernanza. Sin embargo, esa categ#65533;rica afirmaci#65533;n est#65533; hoy lejos de ser incuestionable. La democracia, en crisis en Occidente, debe probar su vigencia. En Occidente, argumentan Berggruen y Gardels, ya no vivimos en #65533;democracias industriales#65533;, sino en #65533;democracias consumistas#65533; en las que se impone el cortoplacismo. En contraste, la visi#65533;n a largo plazo de los l#65533;deres chinos empuja a su naci#65533;n hacia el futuro. Pero China tambi#65533;n se enfrenta a desaf#65533;os derivados de su mete#65533;rico ascenso. Su floreciente clase media cada vez exigir#65533; m#65533;s participaci#65533;n, mejores mecanismos de control de la responsabilidad pol#65533;tica, el freno a la corrupci#65533;n y la ampliaci#65533;n del imperio de la ley. A medida que el siglo XXI avance, estos dos sistemas deber#65533;n competir con un mundo aut#65533;nticamente multipolar en el que ninguna potencia domina en solitario. Para hacer frente a estos retos es necesario un nuevo sistema de #65533;gobernanza inteligente#65533; que delegue el poder e implique verdaderamente a los ciudadanos en las cuestiones que los afectan. Este oportuno libro es una gu#65533;a tanto conceptual como pr#65533;ctica de los desaf#65533;os a los que se enfrenta la buena gobernanza en un mundo que se ver#65533; sometido a una profunda transformaci#65533;n en las pr#65533;ximas d#65533;cadas. Comentarios: #65533;Se sabe poco sobre los m#65533;s recientes acontecimientos en China, en particular sobre el modo de pensar de los nuevos dirigentes chinos. En este libro, Nicolas Berggruen y Nathan Gardels resumen el pensamiento de algunas de las nuevas corrientes pol#65533;tico-intelectuales que influencian a la generaci#65533;n que se aproxima al poder. Despu#65533;s de una exitosa transformaci#65533;n econ#65533;mica y de la creciente presencia de China en el mundo, ser#65533; necesario adaptar el #socialismo armonioso#, propuesto por los nuevos dirigentes, a formas de cooperaci#65533;n internacional que permitan mayores convergencias entre Oriente y Occidente. #65533; Fernando Henrique Cardoso, expresidente de Brasil #65533;Un libro brillantemente agudo y provocador sobre el tema central de nuestro tiempo: la gobernanza efectiva. Las democracias y los sistemas autocr#65533;ticos se encuentran en peligro de fracasar a gran escala. Berggruen y Gardels nos invitan valientemente, a nosotros y a la siguiente generaci#65533;n, a abordar este problema de frente, con humildad y con la mente abierta.#65533; Michael Spence, premio Nobel de Econom#65533;a, expresidente de la Comisi#65533;n de Crecimiento y Desarrollo y autor de La convergencia inevitable #65533;Berggruen y Gardels aportan una valios#65533;sima visi#65533;n de por qu#65533; nuestras democracias occidentales se han vuelto tan disfuncionales. Afirman que a menos que desarrollemos una perspectiva de gobernanza a largo plazo, la #democracia de consumo# actual socavar#65533; su propio futuro. Un brillante punto de partida para un debate que se necesita con urgencia: el de c#65533;mo nos gobernamos en esta nueva era.#65533; Arianna Huffington, directora, Huffington Post/AOL #65533;Berggruen y Gardels ofrecen una perspectiva poco convencional acerca de lo que deber#65533;a significar la buena gobernanza en el siglo XXI, yendo m#65533;s all#65533; de las manidas explicaciones del tipo #Oriente contra Occidente# y ofreciendo algo mucho m#65533;s convincente y pragm#65533;tico#65533;. Eric Schmidt, presidente ejecutivo de Google ENGLISH DESCRIPTION Democracy is in crisis throughout the Western world. We are no longer part of an "industrial democracy"--what we now have could be termed a "democracy of consumption," which has resulted in party systems in many cases crippling. Countries like China, on the other hand, who have long-term leadership policies, are seeing promising futures even though they also face the challenges of a sudden ascent. As the 21st Century progresses, these two systems of world order must face a multipolar world where societies are becoming more heterogeneous and "world powers" are dying.

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