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A Zone of Engagement

por Perry Anderson

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The texts in this volume offer critical assessments of a number of leading figures in contemporary intellectual life, who are in different ways thinkers at the intersection of history and politics. They include Roberto Unger, advocate of plasticity; the historians of antiquity and of revolution, Geoffrey de Ste. Croix and Isaac Deutscher; the philosophers of liberalism, Norberto Bobbio and Isaiah Berlin; the sociologists of power, Michael Mann and W.G. Runciman; the exponents of national identity, Andreas Hillgruber and Fernand Braudel; the ironists of science, Max Weber and Ernest Gellner; Carlo Ginzburg, explorer of cultural continuity, and Marshall Berman, herald of modernity. A concluding chapter looks at the idea of the end of history, recently advanced by Francis Fukuyama, in its successive versions from the nineteenth century to the present, and considers the situation of socialism today in the light of it.… (más)
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One of the undercurrents in this excellent collection is a lingering suspicion that we may in fact be at the end of history — not at the end of events, but at the end of events that can meaningfully change the liberal capitalist configuration we find ourselves in. It emerges first in his deflationary take on Marshall Berman toward the beginning of the book. (Whether you prefer Anderson or Berman, who wrote a forceful and moving response, probably depends more on mood than on any argumentative merit.) Continuations are found in his discussions of Braudel, Bobbio and Berlin, until Anderson's pessimism reaches an apotheosis in his monograph-length treatment of Fukuyama and co. (German Idealists, Cournot, Kojéve), whom he more or less finds in the right, even as he flags certain incoherences in the use of Platonic source material.

I'm not even sure it would be right to say that Anderson was prescient when he wrote here, in the mid-nineties, that "the central case against capitalism today is ecological crisis and social polarization," and the called-for response is a planned economy on a global scale. Surely plenty of people back then saw where our collective irresponsibility was leading us. But his predictions of, for example, increased migration out of the Global South and a corresponding militarism around the borders of the wealthier parts of the world seem awfully close to what we've started to see in the last 15 years.

At the very end, Anderson gives us a sketch of four possible futures for the socialist movement — "oblivion, transvaluation, mutation, redemption" or "Jesuit, Leveller, Jacobin, Liberal" in a different deck. A hint of vigor in the labor movement of the last few years — more in service and logistics than production, perhaps — and the rhetoric of the Green New Deal suggests that social-democratic politics have a toehold in the U.S., at least. BLM-related protests are their own phenomenon, capturing popular sentiment but with little, or ineffective, organizational infrastructure to show for it. In some sense, all of Anderson's possible futures still seem like live possibilities.

Internationally and domestically, though, continued backsliding almost seems more likely than anything else (Trumpism, Bolsonaro, despite his recent defeat, Putin), and it would be useful to remember Anderson's warning elsewhere in the book: "If a parliamentary road to socialism has yet to be seen, Italian and German experience between the wars is a reminder that there is a parliamentary road to fascism."
  chrbelanger | Nov 3, 2022 |
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The texts in this volume offer critical assessments of a number of leading figures in contemporary intellectual life, who are in different ways thinkers at the intersection of history and politics. They include Roberto Unger, advocate of plasticity; the historians of antiquity and of revolution, Geoffrey de Ste. Croix and Isaac Deutscher; the philosophers of liberalism, Norberto Bobbio and Isaiah Berlin; the sociologists of power, Michael Mann and W.G. Runciman; the exponents of national identity, Andreas Hillgruber and Fernand Braudel; the ironists of science, Max Weber and Ernest Gellner; Carlo Ginzburg, explorer of cultural continuity, and Marshall Berman, herald of modernity. A concluding chapter looks at the idea of the end of history, recently advanced by Francis Fukuyama, in its successive versions from the nineteenth century to the present, and considers the situation of socialism today in the light of it.

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