Henrietta Harrison

This is a broad view of the development of Chinese nationalism. Harrison argues that China's nationalism fits into the Andersonian model of a 19th century "Imagined Community", driven by disillusionment with the established belief system as society seeks to come to terms with modernity. Rather than religious disillusionment, the Chinese faced the failure of “culturalism”, which had permeated and unified China until that time. Harrison roughly defines culturalism as the idea that Chinese culture is inherently superior to other cultures and that it would gradually assimilate those cultures as it had most of modern China and East Asia by the 19th century. The core of this culture was Confucian morality, which was incorporated in the bureaucracy. In theory, passing the Confucian exams ensured that government officials were both moral and competent, but the reality was that positions were often bought and corruption was rampant. The failure of the bureaucracy to protect China (starting with the debacle of the Opium Wars) caused the Chinese to look for alternatives to strengthen the country. As foreign powers continued to impinge on Chinese sovereignty, a new Andersonian nationalism took over. In response the west’s intrusion and China’s powerlessness to resist it, Chinese society re-imagined itself using the model of western nations (and Japan, which itself had re-imagined itself in western image).
The resulting nationalist movements had two different forms, modernism and racialism. Modernism, being a direct response to the weakness of the country, was the stronger strain. It focused on modernizing the economy, political system and military, which meant making them more like the foreign powers that were humiliating China. Racial nationalism focused on Han identity opposing the Qing as occupiers. The Qing were originally from Manchuria and had always maintained some cultural distance from the Han majority in China, making them easy scapegoats for the country’s humiliation. Early racial nationalism could be characterized as anti-Qing more than pro-Han. It capitalized on Qing foreignness, making common cause between Han and non-Han Chinese, with the Hakka in southern China being most prominent. Racial nationalism was Han led and dominated, but it was still inclusive of non-Qing minorities because the push for modernization was preeminent over racial issues.
China’s nationalism was not exceptional other than the length of its cultural cohesion prior to the 19th century. The culturalism it built over the prior two millennia provided a firm base from which nationalism could build. In the concluding section of the book, Harrison explores the latter manifestations of nationalism, including its intensity, which she attributes to the national humiliation. The time from the first Opium War in 1842 until the Communist victory in 1949 is referred to as the “Century of Humiliation” and remains at the front of the Chinese psyche whenever an international incident arises. Harrison’s account provides an important understanding for how the foundations of Chinese nationalism continue to resonate within the country today.… (más)