Mary Frances Berry

A scholarly examination of the early efforts to persuade Congress to grant reparations to ex-slaves in the form of pensions. The essentials of the struggle could be summed up this way: In the late 19th century, an organization called the National Ex-Slave Mutual Relief, Bounty and Pension Association began efforts to petition the US Congress to legislate pension funds for the benefit of former slaves and their descendants. A subscription to the Association entitled members to various forms of aid from its own funds, as well as paying for the expenses associated with lobbying Congress to pay the debt the country owed to its formerly enslaved citizens. An early plan to grant freedmen plots of land confiscated from Southern plantation owners had been clobbered by President Johnson; in fact land that had been granted to some former slaves was taken back and returned to its original owners. Large numbers of freed slaves, many of them elderly and infirm, had no resources whatsoever, and were scarcely able to perform any work sufficient to support themselves.

A woman named Callie House was a driving force of the Ex-Slave Pension movement, which was perceived as such a threat that the Postal Service entered a fraud order against the group, cutting off its access to the US mail, and asserting that House and other officers were deceiving people, taking their money and using it for their personal benefit. No "due process" was involved. The rationale was that Congress was never going to grant the group's petition, so continued attempts to raise money to advance the cause were fraudulent.

The movement changed tactics, and attempted to pursue monetary damages through the Federal Courts, by suing the Treasury Department for funds that had supposedly been set aside from a cotton tax collected during the Civil War. This effort, too, was doomed to failure, but served to attract more supporters and to keep the cause alive well into the 20th century, despite the fact that many middle class black leaders (including Booker T. Washington) were dismissive and distanced themselves from it.

In 1917 Mrs. House was indicted for fraud, based on the use of the words "of the U.S.A." in the name of her organization, the government alleging that she misled people into thinking she had the backing of the U. S. government. She was convicted and sentenced to 18 months in jail. Following her release, she returned to domestic service and was no longer actively involved in the fight for reparations, but others stepped in to continue efforts, which continue to the present day.

This book illuminates an important aspect of race relations in this country, and it taught me several things I did not know (and reminded me of a few I had forgotten). It was not a particularly engaging read, however, being packed with names, dates, facts and figures. The author made no effort to bring Callie House to life. Because the same things kept happening over and over, reading got a bit tedious. As history, this is essential reporting. As narrative, unfortunately, it doesn't cut it.… (más)

Mary Frances Berry's unfiltered assessment of the history of corruption and voter-tampering that have been rampant in the United States is astonishing. She details the combination of audacity, economic desperation, and willful inattention that allow "public servants" to intimidate, coerce, and bribe voters. Though the text is sometimes stilted or too dense, Berry has done an admirable job compiling anecdotes and legal cases that document entrenched voter mismanagement, particularly in areas that have never quite recovered from Jim Crow policies.… (más)

Mary Frances Berry's Five Dollars and a Pork Chop Sandwich is just the kind of ambitious undertaking you would expect to see from someone who has spent a lifetime looking at elections. The subtitle is straight to the point. It's about Vote Buying and the Corruption of Democracy. This is going to sound good to any political junkie, who will likely find the book as good as it sounds.

This is an examination of the culture of voter corruption in various areas of the United States. As you might expect, those places include Chicago and Louisiana. To my tastes though there is a downside. Berry really overextends her look at Louisiana's voter problems. It's difficult to follow all of the many detailed Pelican State characters and events. Your perspective may be more favorable than mine if you have a deep familiarity with Louisiana's political shenanigans.

Berry was thrust into the national spotlight during the Jimmy Carter presidential administration. He picked her as his assistant education secretary in the Department of Health, Education and Welfare. She later chaired the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights. She was involved in the examination of the 2000 presidential election of George W. Bush. Berry takes a jaundiced view of Bush's brother Jeb, who was then governor Florida. She leaves no doubt as to her negative views the younger brother. Her assessment of Karl Rove, the person George W. Bush gave the credit for being the architect of his 2004 presidential campaign, is also held in low regard.

The book is fun to read. I would not blame Ms. Berry if she were ready for a vacation from politics after her untiring research for this book. On the other hand it would not be a surprise if she found a way to come up with a sequel. Library Thing's Early Reviewers provided me with a complimentary copy of this book which I gladly read for this review.… (más)